FRENCH  INTERVENTION 


IN 


AMEEICA; 


OR,   A  REVIEW   OF 


UFnilJFF  IF  MFYIflllF  FT  IF? 
MB  It,  Lfi  nUAlUlUl),  tl  Ltd 


BY 


VINE  WRIGHT  KINGSLEY 


NEW  YOEK: 
(1.  B.  RICHARDSON,  596  BROADWAY. 

469  1803      ' 

F8154I 


FfiENCH  INTERVENTION 


AMEEICA; 


!  IB  IfEYIflilB  KT  IU? 
j,  Lfi  IfiAlUlulj,  fil  Lila 


BY 


VINE  WRIGHT  KINGSLEY. 


NEW  YOEK : 

C.  B.  RICHARDSON,  596  BROADWAY: 
18G3. 


E.    OBAIGHEAD, 
Printer,  JSieieuiyper,  and  Electrotype* 

CTaitoit    33utIIiincj, 

81,  83,  and  85  Centre  Street. 


ancroft  Library 


FRENCH  INTERVENTION  IN  AMERICA, 


OR,    A   REVIEW    OF 


"  LA  FRANCE,  LE  MEXIQUE  ET  LES 


I 

M.  MICHEL  CHEVALTEE  is  a  publicist  whose  repute  is  not 
confined  to  France,  and  this  pamphlet  and  its  author  draw 
us  to  the  subject  to  discover  the  views  of  a  leading  French 
statesman  upon  this  Mexican  adventure  of  Napoleon  III. 
This  pamphlet  embraces  startling  propositions,  and  is  set  off 
with  a  finished  and  embellished  rhetoric.  It  is  more  than 
suspected  to  have  been  inspired  by  the  uneasy  spirit  of 
Napoleon  himself.  Disclaimers  answer  a  temporary  pur- 
pose, and  are  the  small  tricks  of  discovering  the  public  opi- 
nion of  the  world,  when  the  Emperor  of  the  French  is  drift- 
ing towards  some  great  and  proposed  undertaking.  When 
he  first  opened  the  Mexican  project  of  intervening  in 
Mexico,  it  was  announced  that  no  monarchy  was  intended, 
and  Maximilian  was  not  to  be  raised  to  the  throne.  Since 
which,  it  has  been  his  purpose,  as  before,  to  carry  out  this 
very  scheme  so  authoritatively  denied.  Little  by  little  Napo- 
leon opens  his  purposes  as  he  advances  in  the  drama  of  his 
own  creation. 

The  internal  evidence  of  this  pamphlet  carries  with  it  the 
cognizance  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French;  and  if  it  cannot 
claim  this  distinction,  it  certainly  bears  for  its  authorship  the 
name  of  a  great  publicist,  which,  if  it  could  claim  no  other 
distinction,  should  command  our  attention.  Had  this  pam- 
phlet directed  the  attention  of  the  French  to  Mexican  affairs 
alone,  and  advocated  the  strictest  non-interference  in  the 
affairs  of  the  United  States,  it  would  not  have  failed  to 


attract  the  attention  of  statesmen.  But  when  it  is  declared 
that  the  intervention  in  Mexican  affairs  is  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  an  intermediary  power  to  prevent  the  resto- 
ration of  the  American  Union,  and  check  its  advance 
towards  the  South,  we  are  inevitably  made  parties  to  that 
debate,  and  to  the  policy  of  France  in  the  affairs  of  this 
Continent. 

This  pamphlet  relates  to  France,  Mexico,  and  to  the  Con- 
federate States.  It  considers  the  indisposition  of  France  to 
colonize  and  undertake  a  distant  expedition  ;  but  the  regene- 
ration of  French  transatlantic  commerce,  and  the  resuscita- 
tion of  the  Latin  race  on  this  Continent,  are  the  avowed  pur- 
poses of  this  French  interposition  in  Mexico.  Not  long  since 
France  only  pretended  to  compel  Mexico  to  keep  her  public 
faith,  and  redress  her  national  grievances  ;  but  now  she  is  to 
establish  a  permanent  government  in  that  unfortunate  coun- 
try, to  advance  the  interests  of  France,  and  interrupt  the 
march  of  the  United  States.  France  is  to  oppose  the 
absorption  of  this  Continent  by  the  Saxon  race,  and  prevent, 
so  far  as  she  may,  the  United  States  becoming  the  distri- 
butor of  the  products  of  this  Continent,  and  possessing 
herself  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  the  channels  of  trade 
between  Europe  and  Asia.  Mexico  is  the  unfortunate  but 
inviting  country  for  the  experiment  in  the  affairs  of  this 
Continent  which  is  made  so  promising  to  French  adventure. 

The  rights  of  nations  and  of  Mexico  find  no  room  for  the 
slightest  consideration  in  this  French  pamphlet,  which  glosses 
over  the  machinations  of  France  with  an  appeal  to  her 
commercial  ambition  and  her  national  interest.  France  is 
said  to  be  generous  and  disinterested,  but  this  pamphlet 
addresses  altogether  her  love  of  glory  and  her  love  of  gain. 
Interest  is  the  moving  element  of  this  grand  undertaking  of 
J  France  to  seize  upon  Mexico,  and  to  shatter  to  pieces  the 
solid  fabric  of  the  United  States.  Is  it  generous  and  dis- 
interested to  thus  obtrude  in  American  affairs  when  the 
United  States,  almost  the  child  of  France,  is  in  the  struggle 
for  her  nationality?  France,  under  the  present  Emperor  9 
confines  not  herself  to  her  own  affairs,  for  she  too  looks  after 
the  welfare  of  other  nations,  and  "  France  fights  only  for  an 
idea."  But  that  idea  seems  a  little  confused.  She  saves 
Turkey  from  the  power  of  Russia,  to  preserve  the  balance  of 
power  it  may  be.  She  sets  Italy  upon  ^er  feet,  but  cripples 
her  nationality,  and  betrays  her  in  the  outset,  and  she  keeps 


her  in  chains.     Years  roll  on,  jind  Mexico  comes  in  for  the 
disinterested   purposes  of   the   French  Emperor.     France 
checks  Russia,  and  intrudes  in  her  internal  affairs,  dimi- 
nishes the   power  of  Austria,  and  for  this  receives  Nice 
and  Savoy  from  Confederate  Italy  ;  and  in  turn,  now  raises 
a  Prince  of  the  House  of  Austria  to  the  head  of  affairs  in 
the  Republic  of  Mexico.     What  complication  this  portends, 
and  what  France  is  to  gain  in  thus  raising  an  Austrian 
Prince  to  the  Mexican  throne,  does  not  yet  appear.     Will 
France  make  her  own   interest  identical  with  Austria,  or 
does  this  involve  a  division  of  the  spoils,  and  the  larger  to 
fall  to  France?     Events  will  solve  this  question,  and  we 
shall  see  what  were  the   purposes  of  imposing  upon   the 
Republic  of  Mexico   an^  Austrian  Archduke.     Have   the 
people  of  that  Republic  just  made  the  discovery  that  a 
Prince,  alien  to  them  in  everything,  and  a  foreign  auto- 
crat, was  born  to  give  order  and  security  in  that  Republic  ? 
Can  Napoleon  discover  any  such  wish  manifested  by  the 
people  of  Mexico  ?     Has  Spain  fallen  so  low  in  the  dignity 
of  her  greatness  as  to  witness  this  spoliation  of  that  country 
with  unconcern,  or  does  her  blood  rise  at  this  mockery  per- 
petrated upon  the  Spanish  race  ?     Has  the  noble  blood  of  her 
people   turned   to  water,  and    is   she   utterly  degenerate  ? 
Her  late  breaking  off  in  this  Mexican  adventure,  when  she 
discovered    the    purposes   of   Napoleon,   shows    that   her 
nobility  and  manhood  yet  survive.     But  rests  she  ignobly 
in  her  ease,  and  sees  France  trample  on  every  right  of  the 
Mexican  nation,  and   that  without   a   protest !     Then   the 
Spanish  race,  if  it  shall  save  itself,  will  come  at  last  to  this — 
Mexico  will  save  herself,  or  go  down  to  the  tomb  of  States, 
and  be  added  to  the  sad  chapter  of  Republics  now  no  more, 
or  her  people  will  be  overborne  and  crushed  to  the  earth  on 
which  they  tread,  unless,  in  the  fortune  of  America,  we  shall 
ultimately  demand  her  rights  at  the  hands  of  the  French 
nation,  and  give  cheer,  and  say  The  Republic  shall  live. 

America  has  claimed  the  undoubted  right  to  regulate  the 
affairs  of  the  American  Continent,  and  the  assumption  of 
this  right  was  for  a  long  period  acquiesced  in  by  the  Conti- 
nent of  Europe.  America  was  threatened  with  the  atten- 
tion of  Europe  under  the  Holy  Alliance,  but  England  and 
the  United  States  interrupted  that  proceeding  and  called 
into  existence  in  the  New  World,  States  to  preserve  the 
balance  of  the  old,  as  was  said  by  George  Canning,  the 


great  and  generous  English  statesman.  Since  that  time  no 
serious  attempt  has  been  made,  till  of  late,  to  interrupt  the 
power  of  the  American  Continent  to  direct  her  own 
affairs  as  best  seemed  to  each  of  the  States.  But  now  we 
are  threatened  with  the  kind  attentions  of  the  French,  not 
in  Mexico  alone,  but  in  the  internal  -  affairs  of  the  United 
States.  And  for  what  reason  I 


IL 

It  is  not  because  America  has  ever  intruded  upon  the 
affairs  of  the  French.  Mexico  has  strictly  avoided  all 
foreign  complications,  not  arising  out  of  her  own  internal 
distractions  ;  and  France  has  sought  to  impose  upon  her  the 
payment  of  an  unjust  debt,  the  iniquity  of  which  was  ably 
exposed  by  the  Opposition  in  the' French  Senate. 

This  fraudulent  claim,  held  in  the  interest  of  those  now 
trampling  upon  Mexican  nationality,  was  one  of  the  induce- 
ments leading  to  French  interference.     Under  this  threat-, 
ened  monarchy  these  claims,  amounting  [to  many  millions 
of  dollars,  will  be  among  the  first  adjusted. 

But  the  United  States,  witnessing  the  erection  of  a  throne 
and  the  attempted  establishment  of  a  monarchy  upon  the 
ruins,  it  may  be,  of  a  sister  Republic,  will  reflect  and  com- 
prehend its  significance  to  Mexico  and  to  herself.  Our  sym- 
pathy will  be  naturally  drawn  to  Mexico  as  an  injured  peo- 
ple. If  Mexico  yields  to  the  new  order  of  things,  and 
establishes  the  new  empire,  which  is  to  resuscitate  and 
strengthen  the  commerce  and  the  resources  of  France ;  and 
should  she  desire  to  become  a  French  dependency  with 
Spanish  tendencies,  it  wTill  not  necessarily  disturb  the  equa- 
nimity or  tranquillity  of  the  United  States,  because  nations 
have  the  undoubted  right  to  receive  protection  from 
foreign  powers.  But  nations  will  hold  France  responsible 
for  this  attempted  imposition  upon  the  Mexican  nation  ; 
and  the  United  States  can  but  take  a  sad  view  of  the 
course  pursued  by  a  nation  with  whom  we  have  ever  had 
relations  of  amity,  exhibiting  at  all  times  no  small  degree  of 
attachment  between  the  people  of  the  two  countries.  While 
France  put  us  under  obligations  in  other  daj^s,  and  com- 
manded our  gratitude,  she  now,  under  the  insidious  and  self- 
ish policy  of  "Napoleon,  would  alienate  and  dissever  the 


United  States  in  .order  to  build  up  a  dependency  in  Mexico. 
And  such  is  the  spirit  of  this  French  pamphlet,  and  such 
the  unmistakable  purpose  of  Napoleon  in  establishing  this 
new  Empire,  and  this  new  dependency  of  the  French  na- 
tion. 

But  has  it  occurred  to  the  friends  of  this  new  scheme, 
that  many  contingencies  stand  between  this  purpose  and 
the  accomplishment  ?  First,  France  must  establish  her 
power  in  Mexico,  and  crush  all  opposition  in  a  Eepublic  of 
more  than  seven  millions  of  men.  That,  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  events,  is  no  small  undertaking  of  itself,  even  for 
a  nation  like  France.  The  Mexican  people  number  little 
less  than  the  white  population  of  our  rebel  states  ;  and  we 
have  found  that  a  three  years'  war,  and  1,000,000  men, 
are  required  to  overthrow  a  rebellion  within  our  own 
borders.  But  France  fights  Mexico  at  a  distance  of  more 
than  three  thousand  miles ;  and  Mexico  will  become  a  con- 
quered country,  if  France  makes  her  a  dependency  from 
which  her  transatlantic  commerce  will  revive.  So,  at  least , 
France  must  find  it  of  no  small  cost  to  build  up  this  new 
empire.  France  must  suppose  that  the  Spanish  race  is 
degenerate  indeed,  if  it  is  to  fall  into  this  scheme  of  French 
aggrandizement,  at  the  mere  bidding  of  a  ruler  for  whom 
Mexico  can  entertain  no  special  regard.  France  must 
re-learn  a  lesson  in  this  experiment  upon  the  credulity 
of  the  world,  for  her  whole  course  must  needs  shun  the  light 
of  day  pertaining  to  these  affairs  of  Mexico. 

But  France,  it  is  said,  pushes  beyond  her  borders  all  hot- 
headed dreamers  who  stand  in  the  way  of  her  new  civiliz- 
ing process,  which  has  subdued  anarchy  in  France  and 
utilized  socialism,  and  needs  a  new  colony  for  men  thus 
driven  from  the  Mother  Country.  "With  such  an  emigra- 
tion to  this  new  empire,  how  is  France  to  tame  and  utilize 
these  elements  of  anarchy  at  this  distance  from  the  seat  of 
her  power,  and  whom  she  now  expels  and  casts  off  ?  The 
logic  of  this  colonization  does  not  hang  together.  French 
men  never  leave  France  for  the  purpose  of  colonizing  some 
far-off  land.  In  this,  France  is  weak  compared  with  Eng- 
land. Three  hundred  years  since  America  was  discovered, 
and  within  the  last  two  centuries  the  English  established 
colonies  which  have  grown  to  more  than  equal  the  mother 
country  in  power;  but  France,  after  repeated  attempts  to  plant 
and  sustain  her  colonies  on  this  continent,  had  them  swept 


8 

from  her  and  absorbed  in  tlie  Saxon  Race.  Now,  in  view 
of  this  ntter  failure  of  the  French  to  colonize  and  create 
new  States  during  all  this  period  on  this  continent,  Napo- 
leon has  the  courage  to  think  that  he  can  wipe  out  the 
Mexican  nation,  and  establish  permanent  French  domina- 
tion over  that  Republic  !  Seeing  no  prospect  to  obtain  fur- 
ther empire  on  the  Continent  of  Europe,  Napoleon  seizes 
upon  Mexico  to  strengthen  France,  and  give  her  a  greater 
ascendency  in  the  affairs  of  Europe.  Will  not  the  great 
Powers  of  Europe  discover  this  purpose  and  thwart  it  ? 
Russia  has  already  declared  in  her  diplomatic  papers  to  the 
United  States,  in  anticipation  of  this  French  project,  that 
"  the  "balance  of  power  must  ~be  preserved  on  the  American 
Continent  by  the  United  States  and  Russia  /"  and  events 
may  soon  happen  which  will  cause  these  two  governments 
to  cooperate  to  the  same  end.  In  such  a  juncture,  the  world 
would  receive  a  new  shock,  and  democracy  might  peradven- 
ture,  during  this  purgation,  overthrow  recent  dynasties,  and 
establish  more  acceptable  forms  of  government.  'The  un- 
certain course  of  events  is  written  in  every  history  of  the 
world;  and  the  overthrow  of  the  First  and  greatest  of 'the 
Napoleons,  shows  that  there  is  no  security  to  a  ruler  who 
begins  the  career  of  unchecked  ambition.  If  the  French 
nation  encourages  its  present  ruler  to  go  on  in  this  scheme 
he  evidently  has  in  hand  of  upsetting  the  government  of 
Mexico,  and  of  recognising  the  Confederate  States,  and  of 
supporting  that  recognition  with  the  last  argument  to  which 
kings  resort,  then  the  United  States  will  accept  the  alter- 
native forced  upon  her,  and  maintain  her  undoubted  supre- 
macy and  power  upon  the  sea  and  upon  the  land. 

This  is  the  unmistakable  purpose  of  the  Opposition  party 
in  the  United  States  as  of  the  Administration  ;  let  the 
Foreign  Secretary  pipe  what  strains  he  may.  America  has 
demanded  of  France  to  stand  aloof  from  this  contest;  but  if 
France  intends  insult  and  national  spoliation  and  dishonor, 
the  issue  is  made  by  France  and  not  us.  The  French  peo- 
ple must  discover  the  drift  of  events  which  may  drive  the 
Republic  of  America  to  accept  the  alternative  between  war 
and  national  dishonor.  In  France  we  know  there  is  a  band 
of  noble  patriots  who  will  not  readily  fall  into  the  pur- 
poses of  Napoleon,  in  thus  taking  the  side  of  the  insurgent 
and  Confederate  States. 


III. 

It  is  said  that  the  American  question  cannot  be  post- 
poned, for  it  is  definitively  presented,  and  nmst  be  s<  l^ed 
completely  and  at  once.  It  is  assumed  that  the  Confede- 
rate States  cannot  be  brought  back  into  a  restored  or  a 
reconstructed  Union — that  the  North  cannot  absorb  the 
South,  and  its  conquest  is  impossible — that  there  is  nothing 
but  secession  at  the  end  of  the  war  ;  that  the  South  has  its 
programme  and  its  rights,  and  will  reconstruct  its  national- 
ity lipon  the  basis  of  its  own  interest, — and,  moreover, 
M.  Chevalier  maintains  that  the  recognition  of  the  Confe-l 
derate'  States  is  indispensable  to  the  security  of  French! 
dominion  and  French  interests  in  Mexico.  It  is  also  said  that) 
the  rnooel  republic  exists  only  in  name ;  that  her  liberties 
are  goneW-or,  to  give  the  writer's  words, — "  La,  repul)Uque 
modele  rfexiste  plus  que  de  souvenir,  et  chez  ceux  qui 
yaiment  Wore  survit  1'image  de  beautes  et  de  grandeurs 
a  j  amais  d\sparues." 

In  answer  to  much  of  this  allegation,  we  may  say 
that  the  gr^at  question  of  the  nationality  of  the  .Republic  is 
being  solve!.  It  is  needless  to  inquire  what  are  the 
causes  or  tke  pretexts  which  have  involved  us  in  this 
war,  except  to  far  as  they  may  prevent  the  restoration 
of  the  UnioiVof  these  states;  and  France,  as  a  friendly 
power,  should\  in  no  way  throw  her  influence  into  the 
scale  to  prevent  the  reconciliation  of  this  people.  It  is 
not  for  her  to  \udge,  in  advance  of  events,  that  the  United 
States  can  in  nomanner  settle  the  questions  in  dispute  with 
the  people  of  t\ie  Confederate  States.  This,  like  other 
wars,  has  come  ufoon  us  to  interrupt  the  tranquillity  and 
the  growth  of  this  Republic ;  but  it  has  come  from  political 
contention,  and  noi  because  of  an  incongruity  of  interests 
between  the  two  sections  of  the  Republic.  The  views  enter- 
tained by  the  two  sections,  at  different  times  in  our  history, 
leave  no  doubt  that  these  supposed  incongruities  are  pro- 
duced by  the  heats  of  the  time,  and  are,  therefore,  un- 
founded and  evanescent ;  and  this  contention,  when  it  shall 
clear  away,  will  re-establish  sound  and  national  opinions, 
which  will  accommodate  themselves  to  the  wants  and 
interests  of  each  and  every  section  of  the  Republic.  'Tis 
true  that  this  war  puts  in  peril  the  rights  of  men,  but  there 


10 

is  yet  remaining  with  us  the  right  to  discuss  and  consider 
every  question  of  administration,  and  the  elective  franchise 
remains  to  the  people,  through  which  \ve  shall  call  our 
rulers  to  an  account.  Can  this  be  done  within  the  dominions 
of  France  so  completely,  although  France  is  in  a  state 
of  profound  tranquillity?  France  may  recall  a  period 
within  the  memory  of  men  not  now  old,  when  the  streets  of 
Paris  attested  that  Frenchmen  had  no  rights  but  suet  as 
were  granted  by  the  usurping  power  ;  and  yet  a  few  yaars 
have  witnessed  a  new  order  of  things,  under  the  same 
dynasty,  if  we  are  to  believe  M.  Chevalier.  Liberty  was 
then  restricted  and  overthrown,  and  Frenchmen  sought 
refuge  in  all  parts  of  the  world  to  escape  the  protecting 
clemency  of  Napoleon.  And  now,  is  it  for  France  to  say, 
that  nothing  remains  of  the  Model  Republic  but  its  memory, 
when  the  example  of  France  is  so  recent,  that  she  was  but 
reconstructing  and  building  the  solid  basis  of  her  empire  ? 
May  we  not  say  rather,  that  these  wars  are  often  blessings, 
sent  to  teach  nations  the  profound  wisdom  of  peace  among 
men  ?  Has  not  this  lesson,  taught  by  the  French  Revolution, 
preserved  France  from  more  recent  disorder,  and  main- 
tained the  stability  of  her  government?  !May  not  the 
Model  Republic  take  courage  from  this  chapter  in  French 
history,  and  believe  that  we  have  a  nation  yet,  which  is  to 
be  restored  and  built  up  on  a  more  solid  and  enduring 
basis,  and  that  it  is  not  as  yet  an  image  of  beauties  broken 
.and  for  ever  gone  ? 

If  France  unrols  the.  map  of  the  United  States,  and 
traces  out  the  course  of  this  war,  its  reverses,  and  its  pro- 
gress, she  wrill  discover  nothing  to  appal  or  discourage  those 
who  are  contending  for  the  restoration  of  these  States  to  the 
Union.  More  than  one  half  of  the  Confederate  States  are 
partially  recovered  and  occupied  by  the  armies  of  the 
United  States.  Their  great  cities  and  strongholds  are  in 
our  possession  ;  and  the  power  of  the  Confederate  States  has 
met  with  shocks,  already  encouraging  to  every  true  and 
loyal  American.  Europe  already  discovers  the  gradual 
wasting  away  and  sinking  of  the  insurgent  power ;  for  the 
voice  arising  from  every  quarter  of  the  Confederacy  speaks 
of  its  possible  fall  to  nerve  men  on  to  another  and  last  exer- 
tion for  separate  independence.  At  this  juncture,  does 
France  propose  to  resuscitate  and  recognise  this  Confede- 
racy whose  "  corner-stone  "  is  slavery  ?  The  United  States 


11 

accommodated  herself  to  its  interest ;  until  it  declared  war 
to  extend  and  propagate  a  system  which  European  civiliza- 
tion has  tolerated,  but  does  not  now  encourage.  To  build 
up  a  slave  empire,  the  South  made  war  upon  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  United  States ;  and  now  is  France  to  succor 
the  cause,  and  raise  up  among  nations  this  slave  empire? 
Such  is  the  teaching  of  her  great  publicist,  M.  Chevalier, 
and  this  course  is  commended  to  France  to  secure  her 
permanent  hold  upon  Mexico.  Generous  and  disinte- 
rested advice !  Will  France  accept  and  follow  the  instruc- 
tion? 

The  United  States  has,  at  all  times  and  under  all  circum- 
stances, preserved  a  strict  non-interference  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  other  nations.  The  United  States  had  reason 
to  believe  that  France  would  never  intrude  in  the 
internal  affairs  of  this  country,  and  .we  were  ill  prepared 
to  learn  that  her  influence  was  to  be  thrown  into  the  scale  of 
rebellious  power — a  power  dislimbed  from  and  belonging 
to  our  nationality— a  power  unrecognised  by  and  existing 
against  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 

But  France  feels  that  her  hold  upon  Mexico  would  be  se- 
cured should  the  Confederate  States  rise  up  to  a  nationality, 
and  M.  Chevalier  says  that  this  security  cannot  precede  the 
recognition  of  the  Confederate  States  as  a  national  and  inter- 
mediary power ;  and  he  sets  forth  the  advantages  to  be  real- 
ized to  the  power  that  takes  the  initiative  in  this  recog- 
nition. He  adds,  also,  that  France  will  in  this  course 
be  able  to  effect  more  for  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves, 
after  peace  is  restored  through  French  influence,  than  will 
be  realized  during  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  United  States. 

Let  us  consider  the  force  of  this  assumption  of  M. 
Chevalier,  and  discover  if  it  can  be  supported  by  reason  or 
by  fact. 

I.  Slavery  has  produced  this  Rebellion  and  this  War. 

II.  Slavery  was  not  only  tolerated  and  endured  in  the 
government  from  which  the  South  broke   off,  but  it  had 
constitutional  securities  given  it. 

III.  The  South  was  not  satisfied  with  constitutional  secu- 
rities in  the  States,  and  demanded  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  new  empire. 

IV.  Because  the  North  would  not  extend  slavery  into 
new  territory,  the  Cotton  States  seceded  from  the  Union, 
and  set  up  this  rebellious  slave  power. 


12 

Now  in  view  of  those  facts,  how  are  the  Confederate  Slave 
States  to  give  way  to  French  influence  and  emancipate  their 
slaves  !  Can  it  be  supposed  that  the  men  of  the  South  will 
relax  their  hold  upon  a  race,  after  perilling  their  lives,  their 
property,  and  their  fortunes,  to  establish  a  Confederacy 
whose  "  corner-stone"  is  the  enslavement  of  the  African 
race?  Surely  M.  Chevalier  has  much  to  learn  of  the  cha- 
racter and  purposes  of  the  men  of  the  South,  if  he  thus 
deludes  himself.  The  South  is  not  so  easily  moulded  to  the 
purposes  of  other  men,  although  Southern  men  ma}',  for  the 
present,  wheedle  Frenchmen  over  a  glass  of  wine  in  the 
salons  of  France. 

Establish  this  intermediary  slave  power,  and  its  flag  will 
sail  over  the  world,  and  re-open  the  foreign  slave  trade. 
The  Cotton  States  have  clamored  for  the  restoration  of  this 
trade  in  the  marts  of  the  world,  and  France  may  yet  aid 
this  power  to  re-establish  this  new  mode  of  civilization.  If 
France  wishes  to  enter  upon  this  traffic,  she  can  get  cotton 
in  exchange  for  Congo  negroes  in  any  port  of  the  South,  and 
in  no  other  way  could  she  so  well  secure  its  friendship,  or 
promote  h.er  own  interest  in  the  Confederate  States.  But  if 
France  attempts  to  stand  in  the  way  of  this  slave  power, 
which  has  made  war  upon  the  United  States  for  the  pur- 
pose of  diffusing  the  "  peculiar  institution"  of  the  South, 
in  other  quarters  of  the  world,  then  she  need  not  think  to 
strengthen  herself  in  Mexico  by  raising  up  this  interme- 
diary power  to  check  the  Model  Republic  in  its  more  south- 
erly tendency.  This  would  not  be  the  first  time  in  the 
world's  history  that  the  ends  men  aim  at,  would  be  over- 
borne. .The-  Confederate  States  would,  when  once  esta- 
blished, look  to  the  withdrawal  of  French  influence  in 
Mexico  ;  for  they  mean  to  occupy  and  hold  the  cottou  lands 
along  the  entire  Mexican  Gulf.  France  will  yet  compre- 
1  hend  the  rights  and  the  programme  upon  which  this  slave 
I  interest  intends  to  reconstruct  its  basis  of  Nationality, 
should  it  once  rise  to  power. 

But  M.  Chevalier  thinks  the  cause  of  the  South  not  only 
logical  but  equitable.. 

The  logic  of  this  contest  is,  whether  a  minority  shall 
dismember  the  Republic,  because  an  election  in  which  it 
participated  went  against  the  South,  and  that  minority.  That 
is  the  logic  of  this  contest.  The  South  was  prepared  to  rebel 
in  1856,  had  the  Republicans  then  succeeded  to  power  ; 


13 

and  now  attempt  it  in  1860,  after  going  into  another  Pre- 
sidential election.  And  lias  it  come  to  this  with  America, 
that  a  failure  to  cany  an  election  is  a  logical  and  equitable 
cause  of  war  ? 

But  to  take  a  broader  view,  is  the  South  sustained  in 
consequence  of  the  legislation  or  action  of  Federal  power  ? 
Let  the  friends  of  the  South  be  held  to  the  statement  of 
Mr.  Stephens,  the  Yice-President  of  the  Confederate  States, 
and  all  these  complaints  vanish  into  thin  air.  Mr.  Stephens 
made  his  address  in  the  midst  of  the  rebellion,  and  no 
statesman  of  the  South  can  have  greater  weight  upon  the 
point  in  controversy ;  for  no  man  of  the  South  has  had  a 
better  opportunity  to  form  a  more  just  and  equitable  conclu- 
sion. To  that  speech,  pronounced  in  answer  to  Mr.  Tombs,  of 
Georgia,  I  would  refer  M.  Chevalier,  to  sustain  and  bear  out 
my  assertion. 

And  I  would  ask  M.  Chevalier  what  would  become  of 
all  elective  government  were  the  principle  admitted  that 
the  failure  to  carry  an  election  is  a  cause  for  an  attempt  to 
overthrow  the  government  itself.  The  South  had  no  such 
grievances  as  moved  her.  to  rebellion  until  the  election  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  as  President  of  the  United  States  ;  and  then  it 
was  that  the  popular  revolution  began,  which  caused  eleven 
States  to  secede  on  paper,  but  not  within  the  meaning  and 
contemplation  of  constitutional  law.  That  Federal  system 
was  erected  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  in  1788,  and 
no  less  authority  can  unmake  and  destroy  this  work  of  the 
fathers,  unless  it  be  done  by  a  successful  revolution  of  the 
government  itself.  This  revolution  was  precipitated  by  the 
men  of  the  South,  and  upon  the  pretexts  I  have  assigned, 
it  was  made  a  popular  and  spontaneous  rebellion.  Back 
of  these  pretexts,  used  with  the  people  of  the  South,  are 
other  motives  and  other  causes.  Ambition  and  love  of  rule 
was  the  main  principle  which  actuated  these  leaders  of  the 
revolution,  in  this  attempt  to  overthrow  the  Government. 
Baffled  in  their  attempt  to  keep  power,  they  seized  upon 
this  revolution  to  retrieve  their  falling  fortunes  and  retain 
their  places.  I  again  call  the  attention  of  the  friends  of  the 
South  to  the  speech  of  the  Hon.  Alexander  EL  Stephens,  to 
strengthen  and  bear  out  this  assertion. 

And  it  is  said  that  the  interest  of  France  is  with  the  rnent 
of  the  South  ;  and  that  section  which  is  so  fortunate  as  to  be  | 
engaged  in  this  rebellion  comes  in  for  no  inconsiderable 


14 

praise,  while  the  Model  Republic  has  vanished  with  all  her 
greatness,  and  become  a  forbidding  object.  How  happy 
the  imagination  that  could  draw  such  vivid  pictures — pic- 
tures so  in  contrast,  and  yet  pictures  blending  into  each 
other.  The  South,  so  productive  of  statesmen,  is  not 
altogether  in  a  state  of  rebellion.  There  is  a  loyal 
portion  of  the  Slave  States  yet  remaining  to  the  Union, 
and  it  is  shined  upon  by  the  same  southern  sun.  That 
portion  of  the  South  has  been  found  faithful  among 
the  faithless.  That  portion  of  the  South  adheres  to  the  Union 
of  these  States.  It  had  its  slave  interest.  It  had  also  its 
Union  interest.  It  had  men  of  firm  principles,  and  it  stood 
fast.  It  did  not  choose  to  embark  in  this  new  slave  empire. 
It  was  content  with  the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  It 
had  statesmen  like  Jackson  and  Clay,  and  their  principles 
live  in  the  men  of  to-day.  It  builds  no  monuments  to  dis- 
union. It  speaks  to-day  for  the  preservation  of  the  Repub- 
lic. Its  children  have  blazoned  this  sentiment  upon  their 
shield.  Nay,  these  men  who  have  gone  through  the  fires 
of  Revolution,  yet  live  and  speak  of  the  glories  of  the  Re- 
public ;  they  know  that  it  is  not  a  remembrance  of  the 
past.  They  know  that  the  old  flag  of  the  Republic  has 
gone  through  a  thousand  battles  for  constitutional  liberty.' — 
they  know  that  the  stripes  are  undimmed,  and  the  stars  are 
no  less — they  know  that  the  flag  of  the  Republic,  when  borne 
aloft  by  a  million  of  veteran  men,  means  "  liberty  and  Union 
now  and  for  ever,  one  and  inseparable."  They  know  that 
the  Model  Republic  will  not  go  down  amid  the  wreck  of 
empire,  except  with  the  crash  of  falling  thrones  all  round 
the  globe ;  for  they  know  that  the  rights  of  man  are  imper- 
ishable and  invincible  when  assailed  by  autocratic  and 
despotic  power. 


IY. 

Lastly,  upon  the  question  of  intervention  in  Mexican 
affairs.  In  December,  1860,  the  American  Minister  to  Mexico, 
Hon.  Robert  M.  McLane,  communicated  with  the  repre- 
sentatives of  foreign  powers,  then  residing  in  the  city  of 
Mexico,  and  made  known  to  them  the  policy  of  the  United 
States,  with  reference  to  any  intervention  in  the  affairs  of 
that  Republic  on  the  part  of  European  powers.  Great  Bri- 
tain had  then  proposed  to  the  two  parties  in  contention  in 


15 

Mexico  for  the  ascendancy,  to  pacify  their  difficulties  by 
calling  to  their  aid  foreign  mediation.  The  liberals,  who 
were  contending  for  the  right  of  the  people  to  govern  them- 
selves, were  unwilling  to  leave  their  constitutional  ques- 
tions to  foreign  powers,  and  the  conservatives  refused  to 
surrender  their  organization  unless  they  had  guarantees  to 
themselves.  France  and  Spain  afterwards  made  proposals, 
more  or  less  formal,  to  pacify  the  distractions  of  Mexico, 
but  without  success.  BflOOTOft  LibtaTY 

It  was  after  this  that  the  determination  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  was  made  known  to  the  Euro- 
pean powers,  to  the  effect  that  it  did  not  deny  to  Europe 
the  right  to  wage  honorable  warfare  for  a  sufficient  cause, 
nor  did  it  deny  the  right  to  demand  redress  for  injuries  in- 
flicted on  their  respective  subjects,  and  if  need  be  to  enforce 
such  demand,  but  it  denied  to  these  powers  the  right  to 
interfere  "  directly,  or  indirectly,  with  the  political  indepen- 
dence of  the  Repiiblic  of  Mexico,  and  it  was  declared  that  it 
would,  to  the  extent  of  its  power,  defend  the  Nationality 
and  Independence  of  that  Republic" 

It  was  further  declared  by  the  American  Minister,  in  the 
same  State  paper,  notifying  foreign  powers  of  the  purposes 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  in  words  to  the 
following  effect : — 

"I  am  further  instructed  to  state,  in.  the  most  explicit 
manner,  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  earnest- 
ly desires  the  pacification  of  Mexico,  and  that  it  will 
recognise  and  support  any  Government  that  is  adopted  and 
accepted  by  the  free  choice  of  the  people  thereof,  and  that  it 
will  always  encourage  the  friendly  efforts  of  any  foreign 
power  that  has  for  its  object  such  a  result,  notwithstanding 
its  resolution  to  abstain  from  all  direct  participation  in 
any  such  mediation,  and  its  adherence  to  the  relations 
already  established  between  it  and  the  Constitutional  Go- 
vernment of  the  Republic." 

This  diplomatic  language  stands  unrevoked. 

I.  It  is  here  declared  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  that   it   will,   to   the   extent  of   its  power,  defend 
the   Nationality   and   Independence    of   the   Republic   of 
Mexico. 

II.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  has  declared  it 
will  maintain  its  relations  to  the  Constitutional  Government 
of  the  Republic  of  Mexico. 


16 

III.  These    declarations  must   stand  as  the  unredeemed 
pledges  of  this  Nation  to  Mexico. 

IV,  If  France  follows  out  the  doctrines  of  this  French 
pamphlet,  arid  the  purposes  of  Napoleon,  then  the  United 
States  must  make  good  her  national  .integrity  and  her  national 
faith. 

f  That  France  now  disregards  this  position  taken  in  1860 
I  by  the  United  States,  and  puts  this  timely  warning  at 
defiance,  is  most  apparent ;  for  France  assumes  to  disregard 
all  pre-existing  constitutional  government  in  Mexico,  and 
attempts  to  improvise  a  monarchy.  Hardly  had  the  French 
got  a  footing  in  Mexico,  before  we  heard  rumors  of  a  Napo- 
leonic dynasty,  to  be  established  in  that  country.  Has 
France  deposed  and  overthrown  all  constitutional  govern- 
ment in  Mexico,  just  when  she  finds  115  men,  traitors  to 
their  country  in  every  sense,  to  subserve  the  purpose  of  the 
French  Emperor,  in  this  scheme  of  Empire  ?  Who  empow- 
ered these  115  men  to  act  for  the  Mexican  nation  ?  The 
representative  of  the  French  Emperor  alone — the  same 
General  who  overthrew  the  ^French  Republic  and  imprison- 
ed her  legislative  body.  He  subverted  liberty  in  France 
and  erected  the  Empire ;  arid  now  he  performs  the  same 
labor  for  Mexico.  He  crushes  out  her  constitutional  liberty 
under  this  same  Napoleon,  who  rules  France  to-day  !  He  is 
now  engaged  in  .the  same  scheme  of  imposing  an  empire 
upon  another  branch  of  the  "  Latin  race  !"  Napoleon  is 
the  constituted  authority  which  assumes  to  erect  this 
empire,  and  bestow  a  crown  in  the  name  of  Mexico !  In 
the  name  of  Mexico  forsooth  !  These  115  Notables,  set  up 
by  Napoleon,  send  out  a  commission  to  Napoleon,  to  learn 
the  purposes  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  and  they 
implore  him  to  give  a  monarchy  to  Mexico  !  He  gravely 
witnesses  this  farce  on  the  part  of  this  base  and  recreant 
commission.  Napoleon  has  conscience,  and  the  scene  sick- 
ened him  ;  and  he  for  once  faltered — faltered  to  go  on  with 
a  scheme  involving  so  much  baseness  for  its  accomplish- 
ment— faltered  to  do  more  with  115  traitors  like  these !  He 
retires  to  his  villa,  and  calls  around  consulting  statesmen. 
Sad  and  misguided  man,  he  thinks  of  empire,  and  yet  he 
thinks  of  justice !  But  to  hesitate  is  to  fall.  He  must 
advance,  for  what  he  wills  he  wills  to  the  end.  He  wills  to 
disregard  the  traditional  policy  of  the  United  States, 
because  that  policy  is  in  the  way  of  his  ambition — he  wills 


17 

the"  establishment  of  a  French  dependency  in  Mexico,  and 
vet  he  disguises  his  purpose  "as  long  as  events  can  conceal 
it !  Then,  Napoleon  puts  aside  the  mask  of  his  diplo-r 
macy,  and  develops  his  real  policy  in  a  letter  to  General! 
Forey,  which  M.  Chevalier  pronounces  the  most  magni-l 
ficent  undertaking  of  Napoleon  III.  Had  this  scheme  been' 
disclosed  in  the  beginning,  France  would  have  condemned 
it  as  against  honor  and.  her  national  faith ;  but  being  in, 
Napoleon  hopes  the  pride  of  the  nation  will  carry  him 
through — -sustain  him  in  his  proposed  recognition  of  the 
Confederate  States — sustain  him  to  traverse  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  on  this  continent — sustain  him  in  whatever  he  may 
undertake.  But  this  magnificent  scheme  of  empire  weighs 
upon  the  mind  of  Napoleon  nevertheless.  Pie  only  advances 
when  events  favor  the  realization  of  his  plans.  He  believes 
in  destiny,  and  he  believes  in  facts.  Dexterous  in  the  use 
of  means,  he  organizes  victory — that  gone,  he  sinks  for 
ever. 

But  the  end  of  this  scheme  is  not  yet.  Suppose  that  it 
becomes  a  fact  accomplished.  Suppose  it  enures  to  France 
as  a  legacy.  It  is  kept  for  a  while,  it  may  be  ;  but  in  the 
natural  course  of  events  France  is  involved  in  a  European 
war.  Then  America,  recalling  the  disasters  of  to-day  and 
French  disregard  of  American  interest,  and  of  American 
policy,  would  seize  the  opportune  moment  to  balance  the 
account  with  the  empire  of  France,  and  restore  Mexico  to 
herself,  or  take  her  under  her  protecting  power.  Nothing 
could  avert  this  result  but  the  contentment  of  Mexico 
under  this  imposed  monarchy,  established  by  the  French. 
Napoleon  may  plant.  He  may  open  grand  avenues  to 
French  adventure  and  French  commerce,  but  they  are  not 
permanent  acquisitions  to  France.  The  French  will  see 
these  possessions  fall  under  the  aegis  of  the  American  Re- 
public, by  the  laws  of  our  destiny.  It  will  not  be  by  unjust 
conquest.  It  will  be  by  gradual  absorption.  M.  Chevalier 
will  discover  this  law  in  the  growth  of  this  nation.  Within 
the  life  of  man,  the  United  States  conquered  her  indepen- 
dence, established  nationality,  and  the  result  is  a  part  of 
the  history  of  the  world.  We  were  then  thirteen  Colonies, 
numbering  3,000,000  of  people.  Now  the  Republic  em- 
braces in  her  ample  folds  nearly  three  times  that  number 
of  States,  and  32,000,000  of  people.  The  United  States  has 
in  the  meantime  doubled  her  territory,  and  it  is  a  law  of 

2 


18 

her  growth  that  she  also  doubles  her  population  every 
twenty-five  years.  And  finally,  this  Republic  has  become 
a  gigantic  military  power.  The  fact  exists  on  land  and  sea  ; 
and  now  JSTapoleon,  seeking  to  obstruct  democratic  govern- 
ment in  America,  breaks  the  golden  threads  which  hold 
these  nations  together.  He  places  the  French  nation  in  a 
new  and  false  position  to  the  United  States.  And  this  is 
pronounced  a  magnificent  undertaking  !  Whether  it  is  or 
no  will  much  depend  upon  results.  The  future  and  the 
irresistible  logic  of  events  will  decide,  will  solve  the  pro- 
blem. 

France  is  a  nation  of  progress,  of  impulse,  and  of  heroic 
deeds.  Her  ambition  is  military,  sometimes  political. 
She  diffuses  her  civilizing  arts  through  peace.  She  is  an 
ally.  But  when  may  not  that  alliance  be  broken  by  dis- 
cordant interest  or  untoward  events  ?  Does  France  need  to 
make  other  rivals  or  other  antagonisms  ?  If  so,  she  can  for 
the  time  proceed  in  this  course  of  empire,  until  events  shall 
come,  forcing  an  inevitable  collision  with  the  democracy  of 
America.  Such  a  war  could  advantage  neither  nation  ;  for 

O  7 

France  does  not,  like  England,  aim  to  rule  the  seas. 
America  disputes  that  supremacy,  in  tonnage  and  in  mari- 
time power  ;  and  her  naval  power  is  but  dawning  upon  the 
world.  And  does  France  seek  .other  rivals  upon  the  ocean  ? 
History  but  teaches  that  England  and  France  are  natural 
enemies  to  each  other,  and  no  treaties  and  no  parchments 
can  subdue  that  rivalry  and  that  antagonism.  And  there 
is  Russia,  also,  the  most  imperial  power  of  all  Europe,  and 
Russia  has  a  memory  for  fifty  years,  at  least ;  and  yet 
France  unnaturally  seeks  a  rupture  with  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  advance  her  ambitious 
projects! 

"Will  France  thus  put  aside  the  traditions  of  the  past,  and 
force  this  rupture  by  following  out  this  Mexican  scheme  : 
Of  deposing  all  constitutional  government  in  Mexico  : 
Of  recognising  and  sustaining  the  Confederate  States  : 
And  thereby  throwing  the  weight  of  the  French  nation 
into  the  scale  for  the  purpose  of  dismembering  the  United 
States  and  subverting  her  power  ? 

Time,  the  great  Interpreter  of  the  destiny  of  man  and  of 
nations,  will  solve  these  problems,  now  concealed  in  the 
bosom  of  the  future,  and  open  to  us  the  hidden  mysteries 
of  diplomacy,  of  ambitious  projects,  and  chronicle,  it  may 


19 

be,  eventualities  and  revolutions  in  States,  now  stable ; 
not  foreseen,  nor  provided  "for  by  the  existing  rulers  of  the 
world  !  Time  will  re-adjust  the  forces  of  empire  and  of 
growth  on  the  American  Continent,  and  French  interven- 
tion will  have  but  a  temporary  interruption  in  the  affairs 
of  the  United  States. 


LETTER  OF  GENERAL  PRIM  TO  NAPOLEON. 

ORIZABA,  March  17,  1862. 

gIRE — Your  imperial  Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  address  me  an  autograph 
letter,  which,  from  the  kind  expressions  it  contains  in  regard  to  me  per- 
sonally, will  be  a  badge  of  honor  for  my  posterity.  Great,  indeed,  were  my 
desires,  commanding  a  corps  of  Spanish  troops  and  battling  for  the  same 
cause,  to  march  in  line  with  your  Majesty's  forces,  since  I  was  encouraged 
by  the  well  founded  hope  that  the  soldiers  of  Castile  are  worthy  of  fighting 
by  the  side  of  the  soldiers  of  France,  though  those  enjoy  the  well  earned 
reputation  of  being  bravest  among  the  brave.  But,  sire,  I  could  have  wished 
another  battle  field  and  other  enemies  to  encounter;  since  here,  fighting 
against  Mexican  troops  and  bodies  of  national  guards,  the  soldiers  of  France 
and  Spain  can  acquire  no  glory ;  not  because  the  Mexicans  are  wanting  in 
personal  valor :  sprung  from  the  Spanish  race,  they  possess  it.  But  thisi 
country  is  ruined  by  a  forty  years'  civil  war,  and  this  will  be  sufficient  to' 
explain  why  her  armed  force  cannot  be  in  a  position  to  confront  the  well 
organized  battalions  of  France  and  Spain.  However,  we  are  here,  and  will 
fight  together,  if  the  republic  should  refuse  the  just  claims  of  the  allied  nations, 
although  my  opinion  is  that  the  government  will  accord  us  this  justice,  and  that, 
therefore,  there  will  be  no  pretext  for  fighting. 

In  the  matter  of  rightful  claims,  there  can  be  no  variance  between  the 
commissioners  of  the  allied  Powers,  and  none  the  less  between  the  comman- 
ders of  your  Majesty's  troops  and  those  of  her  Catholic  Majesty;  but  the 
arrival  at  Vera  Cruz  of  Gen.  Almonte,  of  the  ex-Minister  Haro,  of  Padre 
Miranda, 'and  other  emigrant  Mexicans,  with  an  idea  of  creating  a  monarchy 
in  favor  of  Prince  Maximilian  of  Austria,  a  flag  which,  according  to  them, 
is  to  be  sustained  and  supported  by  the  forces  of  your  Imperial  Majesty,  will 
create  a  situation  difficult  for  all,  but  more  difficult  and  painful  for  the» 
General-in-Chief  of  the  Spanish  troops,  who,  bound  by  the  instructions  of  his  I 
government,  based  on  the  London  Convention,  and  almost  identical  with  those  1 
which  your  noble  and  excellent  Vice-Admiral,  La  Graviere,  received  from 
your  Majesty's  government,  would  find  himself  in  the  unpleasant  position  of 
being  unable  to  co-operate  in  the  realization  of  your  Imperial  Majesty 'sj 
views,  if  they  should  really  be  those  of  raising  a  throne  in  this  country,  in  I 
order  to  place  thereon  the  Archduke  of  Austria. 

Moreover,  I  entertain  the  profound  conviction,  sire,  that  there  are  very  few  \ 
men  of  monarchical  sentiments  in  this  country ;  and  it  is  reasonable  this 
should  be  so,  since  monarchy  was  never  known  here  in  the  persons  of  the 
Spanish  monarchs,  but  only  in  the  viceroys,  who  governed,  each  one  accord- 
ing to  his  better  or  worse  judgment  and  information,  and  all  according  to 
the   custom    and  usage   of  governing  the   people   at  that  distant  period. 
Monarchy,  then,  left  behind  it  in  this  country  neither  the  immense  interest  of  a\ 
secular  nobility,  as  happens  in  JSurope  when  by  the  violence  of  a  revolutionary  \ 


20 

\hurricane  some  throne  is  overturned,  nor  did  it  leave  moral  interests  or  any- 
\thing  which  would  cause  the  present  generation  to  desire  the  re-establishment  of 
( monarchy,  which  it  never  knew,  and  which  nobody  nor  anything  has  taught  it 
\to  desire  or  respect. 

The  proximity  of  the  United  States,  and  the  language,  ever  harsh,  of  those 
republicans  against  the  monarchical  institution,  haye  contributed  much  to 
produce  here  a  genuine  hatred  to  monarchy  ;  so  much  so  that  the  establish- 
ment of  the  republic,  more  than  forty  years  since,  in  spite  of  its  disorders 
and  constant  agitation,  has  created  habits,  customs,  and  even  a  certain  repub' 
lican  language  which  it  would  not  be  easy  to  destroy.  Therefore,  and  for 
other  reasons  which  cannot  be  hidden  from  the  deep  penetration  of  your  Im- 
perial Majesty,  you  will  understand  that  the  vastly  prevailing  opinion  of  this 
country  is  not  and  cannot  be  monarchical ;  but  if  reasoning  be  not  sufficient 
to  demonstrate  it,  it  will  be  amply  proved  by  the  fact  that  neither  during 
the  two  months  in  which  the  allied  standards  floated  over  the  city  of  Vera 
Cruz,  nor  now  when,  we  occupy  the  important  towns  of  Cordova,  Orizaba? 
and  Tehuacan,  where  no  Mexican  forces  nor  any  authorities,  save  the  civil, 
have  remained,  neither  monarchists  nor  conservatives  have  made  the  slightest 
demonstration,  were  it  even  to  let  the  Allies  see  that  such  partisans  existed. 

Far  be  it  from  me,  sire,  to  imagine  even  that  the  power  of  your  Imperial 
Majesty  is  insufficient  to  establish  a  throne  in  Mexico  for  the  House  of 
Austria.  Your  Majesty  rules  the  destinies  of  a  great  nation,  rich  in  brave 
and  intelligent  men,  rich  in  resources  and  bourgeoning  enthusiasm,  whenever 
there  is  a  question  of  seconding  the  views  of  your  Imperial  Majesty.  It  will 
be  easy  for  your  Majesty  to  conduct  Prince  Maximilian  to  the  capital  and 
crown  him  King ;  but  this  King  will  find  in  the  country  no  other  support 
than  that  of  those  conservative  leaders  who,  when  in  power,  never  thought  of 
establishing  a  monarchy,  but  contemplate  it  now  that  they  are  beaten,  scattered, 
and  in  exile. 

A  few  wealthy  individuals,  also,  will  accept  a  foreign  monarch  who  comes 
supported  by  the  soldiers  of  your  Majesty;  but  they  will  do  nothing  to  sus- 
tain him  the  day  that  support  shall  fail  him,  and  the  monarch  will  fall  from 
the  throne  raised  by  your  Majesty,  as  other  potentates  of  the  earth  will  fall 
the  day  that  the  imperial  mantle  of  your  Majesty  ceases  to  shield  and  envelop 
th&tn.  I  well  know  that  your  Imperial  Majesty,  in  your  highminded  justice, 
does  not  desire  to  compel  this  country  to  change  her  institutions  in  so  radical 
a  manner,  if  the  country  does  not  of  its  own  accord  ask  and  desire  it ;  but 
the  leaders  of  the  conservative  party,  who  have  come  to  Vera  Cruz,  say  it 
will  suffice  to  consult  the  higher  classes  of  the  community,  without  troubling 
themselves  about  the  other ;  and  this  disturbs  men's  minds,  inspiring  fears 
lest  the  national  will  should  be  forced  and  violated. 

The  English  troops,  who  were  to  come  to  Orizaba,  and  had  already  pre- 
pared means  of  transportation,  when  they  learned  that  more  French  forces 
were  coming  than  were  stipulated  in  the  London  convention,  re-embarked. 
Your  Majesty  will  comprehend  the  importance  of  such  a  withdrawal. 

I  beg  a  thousand  pardons  of  your  Majesty  for  having  presumed  to  call 
your  attention  to  this  long  letter ;  but  I  believed  that  the  way  to  make  a 
suitable  return  for  your  Majesty's  kindness  towards  me  was  to  tell  you  the 
truth,  and  the  whole  truth,  on  the  political  state  of  their  country  as  I  under- 
stand it,  in  doing  which  I  shall  have  satisfied  not  only  a  duty,  but  a  feeling 
of  eminent,  respectful,  and  high  regard  for  the  person  of  your  Imperial 
Majesty. 

It  only  remains  for  me  to  say,  sire,  that  since  we  came  to  this  country  the 
most  cordial  harmony  has  existed  between  your  enlightened  Yice  Admiral, 


21 

La  Graviere,  and  myself,  as  also  between  the  chiefs,  officers,  and  soldiers  of 
both  nations — a  harmony  which,  I  doubt  not,  will  continue  while  we  remain 
in  this  country. 

With  the  highest  respect  and  most  profound  devotion,  I  remain,  sire,  your 
Imperial  Majesty's  warm  and  devoted  servant,  praying  for  the  preservation 
and  greatness  of  your  Majesty  the  Empress  and  the  Prince  Imperial. 


NAPOLEON'S  LETTER  TO  GEN.  FOREY. 

FONTAINEBLEAU,  July  3,  1862. 

MY  DEAR  GENERAL:  At  the  moment  when  you  are  about  to  start  for 
Mexico,  charged  with  political  and  military  powers,  I  think  it  useful  to  make 
you  well  acquainted  with  my  ideas. 

The  line  of  conduct  you  will  have  to  follow  is:  1.  To  publish  on  your 
arrival  a  proclamation,  the  principal  points  of  which  will  be  indicated  to  you. 
2.  To  receive  with  the  greatest  kindness  all  the  Mexicans  who  shall  present 
themselves.  3.  Not  to  espouse  the  quarrel  of  any  party ;  to  declare  that 
everything  is  provisional,  so  long  as  the  Mexican  nation  shall  not  have  ex- 
pressed its  opinion ;  to  show  great  deference  for  religion,  but  at  the  same 
time  to  tranquillize  the  holders  of  national  property.  4.  To  feed,  pay,  and 
arm,  according  to  your  means,  the  Mexican  auxiliary  troops,  and  make  them 
play  principal  parts  in  the  combats.  5.  To  maintain  among  your  own  troops, 
as  well  as  among  the  auxiliaries,  the  most  severe  discipline ;  to  vigorously 
repress  any  act  or  word  insulting  to  the  Mexicans,  for  the  pride  of  their 
character  must  not  be  forgotten,  and  it  is  important  for  the  success  of  the 
enterprise  to  conciliate  the  good  feelings  of  the  people. 

When  we  shall  have  reached  the  City  of  Mexico  it  is  to  be  desired  that 
the  principal  persons  of  all  political  shades  who  shall  have  embraced  our 
cause  should  come  to  an  understanding  with  you  to  organize  a  provisional 
government.  The  government  will  submit  to  the  Mexican  people  the  ques- 
tion of  the  political  regime  which  is  to  be  definitively  established.  An 
assembly  will  be  afterwards  elected  according  to  the  Mexican  laws. 

You  will  aid  the  new  government  to  introduce  into  the  administration,  and 
particularly  into  the  finances,  that  regularity  of  which  France  offers  the  best 
model.  For  that  purpose  capable  men  will  be  sent  to  second  its  new  organ- 
ization. 

The  objftct  to  be  attained  is  not  to  impose  on  the  Mexicans  a  form  of 
government  which  would  be  obnoxious,  but  to  assist  them  in  their  efforts  to 
establish,  according  to  their  own  wishes,  a  government  which  may  have  a 
chance  of  stability,  and  can  secure  to  France  the  settlement  of  the  injuries 
of  which  she  has  to  complain. 

It  follows,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  if  the  Mexicans  prefer  a  monarchy, 
it  is  for  the  interest  of  France  to  support  them  in  that  path. 

There  will  not  be  wanting  people  who  will  ask  you  why  we  expend  men 
and  money  to  found  a  regular  government  in  Mexico. 

In  the  present  state  of  the  civilization  of  the  world,  the  prosperity  of 
America  is  not  a  matter  of  indifference  to  Europe,  for  it  is  that  country 
which  feeds  our  manufactories  and  gives  an  impulse  to  our  commerce.  We 
have  an  interest  in  the  republic  of  the  United  States  being  powerful  and 
prosperous,  but  not  that  she  should  take  possession  of  the  whole  of  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico,  thence  command  the  Antilles  as  well  as  South  America,  and  be 
the  only  dispenser  of  the  products  of  the  new  world. 


22 

"We  now  see  by  sad  experience  how  precarious  is  the  lot  of  a  branch  of 
manufacture  which  is  compelled  to  procure  its  raw  material  in  a  single  mar- 
ket, all  the  vicissitudes  of  which 'it  has  to  bear. 

If,  on  the  contrary,  Mexico  maintains  her  independence  and  the  integrity 
of  her  territory,  if  a  stable  government  be  there  constituted  with  the  assist- 
ance of  France,  we  shall  have  restored  to  the  Latin  race  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Atlantic  all  its  strength  and  its  prestige ;  we  shall  have  guaranteed 
security  to  our  "West  India  colonies  and  to  those  of  Spain ;  we  shall  have 
established  our  friendly  influence  in  the  centre  of  America;  and  that  in- 
fluence, by  creating  immense  markets  for  our  commerce,  will  procure  us  the 
raw  materials  indispensable  for  our  manufactures. 

Mexico,  thus  regenerated,  will  always  be  well  disposed  towards  us,  not  only 
out  of  gratitude  but  also  because  her  interests  will  be  in  accord  with  ours, 
and  because  she  will  find  support  in  her  friendly  relations  with  European 
powers. 

At  present,  therefore,  our  military  honor  engaged,  the  necessities  of  our 
policy,  the  interests  of  our  industry  and  commerce,  all  conspire  to  make  it 
our  duty  to  march  on  Mexico,  to  boldly  plant  our  flag  there,  and  to  establish 
either  a  monarchy,  if  not  incompatible  with  the  national  feeling,  or  at  least 
a  government  which  may  promise  some  stability. 

NAPOLEON. 


